  New Komei Party President Natsuo Yamaguchi
TARO ICHIKAWA INTERVIEWS NEW KOMEI PARTY CHIEF NATSUO YAMAGUCHI
IDN-InDepthNews Service
TOKYO (IDN) – Japan should play an active role in supporting efforts toward a nuclear weapons free world, without jeopardizing its close and trusted relations with the United States, says Natsuo Yamaguchi, president of the New Komei Party, the country's third largest political party that has promoted and pursued initiatives to enhance peace and protect the vulnerable in Japanese society since 1964.
Against the backdrop of its close and "vital" relations with the U.S. and growing understanding with China, dating back to more than three decades, Japan has the potential to act as a bridge between the United States and China as the two countries move towards confidence-building, avers the 57-year old Yamaguchi.
He was appointed chief representative -- acronym for president -- of the New Komei Party (New Komeito in Japanese) this September. The New Komeito was junior partner in the coalition government led by the Liberal Democratic Party for ten long years until it was ousted from power by the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) in the general election this August.
Yamaguchi served as Parliamentary Vice-Minister of the Defense Agency and chaired New Komeito’s Policy Research Council, the party’s top policymaking organ, since 2008.
Considered by his peers both within the party and in parliament as an authority on a wide range of policy issues, Yamaguchi led the Japanese government’s effort to support demining programs worldwide and ban cluster bombs. Among his domestic successes have been initiatives to earthquake-proof public schools and to settle a longstanding air pollution lawsuit against the government in favour of the plaintiffs.
In an extensive interview with IDN special correspondent Taro Ichikawa, the New Komeito party leader discussed a wide range of international and national issues. The sum and substance of the points Natsuo Yamaguchi underscored was: "Japan has the potential to be a constructive global player."
Here some excerpts:
INTERVIEW
QUESTION: Apart from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) that has been ousted in the August general election, the New Komei Party headed by you is the only political party in Japan which has real experience of running government as a coalition partner for ten years from 1999 to 2009. How do you view the prospects of a nuclear weapons free world?
NATSUO YAMAGUCHI: I am happy that we are witnessing a groundswell of efforts toward nuclear abolition among nuclear weapons states led by the United States. The New Komei Party has constantly advocated nuclear abolition but during and right after the cold war period, no common consensus could be formed especially among nuclear weapon states.
Now that this groundswell of movement has arisen toward doing away with nuclear weapons, Japan, as the only country which experienced nuclear holocaust, must seize this opportunity to play an active role through concrete steps in (1) advancing nuclear disarmament bringing the number of nuclear weapons possessed by nuclear holding states to zero, (2) preventing nuclear proliferation, and (3) promoting peaceful use of nuclear energy by providing Japan’s technology.
I trust that such efforts are most appropriate for Japan which has both the right and a responsibility to play a constructive role. We, the New Komei Party, would like to be a front runner in this effort.
NUCLEAR UMBRELLA
Q: Speaking of nuclear abolition: President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt has during U.S. visit this August politely rejected U.S. nuclear umbrella and strongly pleaded for the Middle East becoming a nuclear weapons free zone without any weapons of mass destruction. The Middle East is a rather hot spot in comparison to North-east Asia. Isn’t Egypt’s stance perhaps worth emulating by Japan that appears to be caught in some kind of a dilemma between its national security concern and wish for a nuclear free world? What do you think?
NY: I would say Egypt’s stance is indeed thought-provoking. So far the concept of Japan’s national security is based on the U.S.-Japan Treaty (of mutual cooperation and security) that entails the perception of nuclear deterrence. A re-appraisal of that perception would require careful consideration -- consideration also of implications for our relations with other countries. At the same time, I think it is important to very carefully ponder over whether the theory of nuclear deterrence will hold ground in the future.
In my view, instead of nuclear deterrence and national security measures influencing the relationships among nations, a series of bilateral relationships based on a wide range of cooperation entailing cultural and economic aspects, would gradually build a mass of multilateral relations. Only such trusted and solidly based multilateral relations would enable us review the concept of national security and in turn even influence the existing rigid way of thinking on security concerns.
I believe that a nuclear free zone such as the one proposed by Mr. Mubarak cannot be established on the basis of a one-country initiative. Confidence-building among nations in the region is vital -- it must be based on a holistic approach to the ultimate goal; besides, it cannot be achieved in a short period of time. If we succeed in creating adequate regional environs, it would lay the groundwork for not only a nuclear weapons free zone but also for a platform for collective security in the region.
In this context, let me point out that I myself have attended several international conferences convened by policy makers from NATO member countries right after the end of cold war. I still remember the remarks made by a policy maker from Iceland at one of those conferences. A representative of Iceland said that his country does not have an army of its own but has nevertheless played an important role within the collective security framework of NATO.
What he meant was that Iceland can provide a un-freeze port and a 24-hour available airbase for NATO thus serving as a cornerstone to bridging both sides of the Atlantic. This contains a lesson that national security in relations with allied nations does not necessarily have to be accompanied by substantial military capability.
In other words, a country could assume an important role for the stability of a region or regions by contributing in a way that reflects its own national setting. Iceland could do so only because there already existed a solid trusted base with countries in the region which have pledged not to invade but protect the small island of Iceland by all means. Without such a trusted relationship, the Iceland approach is not possible.
I am convinced that it is important for Japan to build up such trusted relationships with neighboring Asian countries. If we look only at military aspects, we will never be able to attain the goal of fostering trust. In fact, it is crucial to have a wide spectrum of channels including economic, cultural and people-to-people exchanges leading to trusted relationships with Asian neighboring countries.
I believe that through such sincere approaches we can help evolve conditions for mutual security in the region. These in turn would help us take necessary steps toward the establishment of a nuclear free zone in Asia. I am aware that such a zone will not be achieved within a short span of time but it is very important that we strive towards that goal.
JAPAN, U.S. AND NORTH-EAST ASIA
Q: What role do you envisage in this context for Japan’s relations with North-east Asia and the United States?
NY: Let me start with U.S.-Japan relations: The bilateral relationship between the U.S. and Japan is the most basic and vital diplomatic capital for Japan -- and I believe that this will not change in the future. Casting doubts on this trusted relationship would bring in unstable elements not only to bilateral relations but also to international relations, including the Asian region. Therefore, I believe that maintaining and furthering the trusted relationship with the U.S. is vital.
Further, I believe that when we think of Japan's road to the future, it should be anchored in our constitution, our country's activities within the framework of the UN, and the U.S.-Japan relationship based on a treaty of mutual cooperation and security. Based on these three vital norms, and while maintaining cooperation with emerging neighboring powers in Asia such as China and South Korea, Japan should strive to contribute toward stability and prosperity in the region.
This will surely have positive impact on international relations. Let us consider as an example Japan’s concerns with neighboring North Korea -- about nuclear development, missile tests and the abduction of Japanese nationals. We have six-party talks aimed at solving these issues through peaceful negotiations and U.S.-Japan relations play a vital role. Any uncertainty in U.S.-Japan relationship would make it impossible to advance on resolving tensions.
Q: And China?
NY: Even before Japan established diplomatic relations with China in 1972, the Komei Party -- predecessor of the New Komei Party -- played a significant role in the normalization of relationship between the two countries. Since our effort originates from the proposal by Daisaku Ikeda, the founder of Komei Party, we have high regard for his contribution in this context. We have cultivated a trusted relationship with China to this day. We very much cherish our relations with China. I am of the view that we should make additional efforts toward building up the Japan-China bilateral relationship in such a way that a closer and stable relationship emerges between the two countries. This would have a positive impact on the region and on international relations.
As things stand, we cannot hide the fact that there exist differences between Japan and China which should be taken into consideration, differences deriving from a huge gap in population between the two countries, differences in development paths each country took in history, and sensitive issues of historical perceptions. It is important for leaders in both countries to remain coolheaded while tackling these issues one by one. As to the New Komei Party, we intend to continue to play our role for the sake of those efforts irrespective of whether we are in government or in opposition.
As we all know, relations between the U.S. and China have become rather important. I think these would become still more important, not only because of the economic, but also for political and security reasons. In due course, the two countries would have to boost their efforts aimed at confidence-building. Here Japan could play a significant role acting as a bridge in relations between the U.S. and China. I am convinced that fostering close relations based on trust, which encompass economic, political, cultural and security aspects will be a critical item on the political agenda -- and the New Komei Party would like to take a leadership role in this regard.
AFGHANISTAN
Q: How do you perceive Japan’s role in Afghanistan?
NY: I think that it is important for the international community to assist Afghans to put an end to civil war, establish a stable government, and evolve policies that would be welcomed by the Afghan people. At this moment, there still exist many unstable elements in Afghanistan so that we need to act step-by-step to handle the situation.
As I pointed out earlier, Japan should act on the basis of three principal norms: Japan’s constitution, within the framework of the UN such as UN resolutions, and U.S.-Japan alliance. If any of the proposed actions in Afghanistan were based only on one of these norms, it would never be supported by the Japanese people or neighboring countries in the region. As things stand, based on careful consideration of three principal norms, Japan has been taking part in an international effort by providing water, fuel and supplies to vessels operating in the Indian Ocean.
Since Japan does not deploy any force, which is prohibited by Japan’s constitution, this cooperation can still play an important role in maintaining the international mission to bring order to the Indian Ocean and halt trafficking of terrorists, weapons and drugs, I think it is a good thing for Japan to continue to make this international contribution in the future. Though, the new government led by the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) is considering putting an end to this contribution by not renewing the law authorizing Japan’s maritime defence forces’ fuel mission in the Indian Ocean when it expires next January.
I believe we should not stop our contribution at that level. The security situation in Afghanistan remains unstable but dispatching personnel, not to mention personnel from of Japan's self-defense forces to maintain public order in Afghanistan would not obtain national consensus in Japan. Instead of making efforts with a view to constructing a supporting base to dispatch personnel for security measures, I trust that there are other areas in which Japan could extend its contribution to Afghanistan.
RECONSTRUCTION
For example, there are areas in Afghanistan where security situation is rather stable. Japan could provide in those areas personnel, economic and technological assistance. In my view, Japan should be cautious about dispatching self-defense forces to ISAF (International Security Assistance Force).
I myself visited Afghanistan in 2004 at an early stage of Japan’s support for Afghanistan. I think it was appropriate for Japan to undertake those projects. For example, there is a high mortality rate caused by tuberculosis (TB) in Afghanistan. Japan had constructed a TB research centre in Afghanistan in the past (in 1979). But due to Soviet invasion the same year Japan’s assistance had to be halted; and the research facility was plundered in 1992.
When I was there in 2004 the Japanese government had just revived the facility to make it a strategic point to provide TB treatment -- in the way recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO) -- to local Afghan patients in Kabul. At that time I thought that more Afghan patients could be saved if we could expand such TB treatment bases in other cities like Herat and Mazâri Sharîf but in order to do so security situation would have to be improved first.
In fact, the main purpose of my visit to Afghanistan at that time was to monitor the test phase of a demining machine which had been developed by Japanese companies with encouragement from the New Komei Party. The New Komei Party helped develop such a machine so as to assist de-mining in countries in the post-conflict-period. In fact, it was only our party which supported this initiative. No other party showed any interest at that time.
We secured funding and had several Japanese companies compete with each other with their test machines. We had them develop prototype machines that could be operational in dry lands like desert areas. After testing the prototype in Japan, we chose several locations for testing abroad including Afghanistan.
The experiment proved successful to a great extent and now those demining machines are recognized fully operational and the numbers of prototypes recognized by the UN for practical operations have been increasing. The significance of these machines lies in the fact mine clearance activity is prerequisite for reconstruction and socio-economic development by enabling refugees return home.
I believe that Japan is good at extending humanitarian assistance to post-conflict countries, which starts by demining, followed by assisting refugees to come back to their country/region, then assisting them settle down by constructing houses, arranging agricultural fields and irrigation so that they can restart economic and social activities and from there development could lead to industrialization.
Japan is good at that, and the New Komei Party has opened an innovative way to apply Japanese technology to demining activities that comes first in the series of post-conflict assistance. Japan has meanwhile developed another prototype of demining machines in Cambodia where they have to be operational in wetland areas where there are many trees. I also visited Cambodia to inspect the test phase. This Cambodia prototype is now certified as operational and has been put into operation in Africa and Latin America.
In Cambodia, demining operations in major mine fields have made good advances and houses and agricultural fields have been reconstructed. We sent three demining machines to Nicaragua and planted banana and orange trees. As a result, farmers can now earn income by exporting these cash crops. Previously poverty drove them to get involved in civil war and they had to flee from their fields but demining activities opened a path for their resettlement and means of income from the field.
These Japanese contributions have been highly appreciated. Japanese government is now planning the next assistance to Sri Lanka where civil war has come to an end and assistances for demining and refugee resettlement are needed.
Japan is also extending support to Angola and Mozambique where huge amount of mines remain buried obstructing resettlement and reconstruction of people’s lives and economic activities. In summary,
I have no doubt that Japan can provide diverse kinds of post-conflict humanitarian assistance from initial stage, to mid-stage all the way through to finishing stage with an aim to create “human security” through making “peace” take root. This role is appropriate for Japan.
GENERAL ELECTION
Q: How do you feel about the outcome of August 30 general election? None of the eight candidates of your party was elected in single-seat constituencies, and in proportional representation blocs, your party lost two seats, bagging a total of 21 seats.
NY: This was the first time under the current electoral system -- envisaging a single-seat constituency combined with proportional representation blocs -- that voters had the opportunity to elect a new government.
In principle, an election is supposed to be an occasion for parties to compete with each other in respect of their policies and for voters to choose a party whose policy they consider the best. But in this election, the focus did not reach that point and “changing the government” itself became an objective. We from the New Komei party appealed to voters highlighting our achievements as a partner in the ruling coalition throughout the past ten years, especially the achievements based on our founding spirit as “the party for ordinary people”. However, those appeals seem not to have reached voters; they turned out to be buried by the groundswell of the slogan for “the change of government”.
It is not surprising therefore that the single-seat constituency system introduced in 1996 is under criticism. In the House of Representatives, 300 out of 480 seats are from single-seat constituencies. The remaining 180 are elected in proportional representation blocs. In single-seat constituencies, 32.7 million out of 70.5 million votes cast were for candidates that were not elected. The rate of wasted votes was 50 percent or higher in 87 out of 300 single-seat constituencies.
In all single-seat constituencies, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) polled 33.48 million votes (47.4 percent of all vote casts) and obtained 212 seats (73.7 percent). On the contrary, the Liberal Democratic Party, which received 27.3 million votes (38.6 percent), won only 64 seats (21.3 percent).
In spite of all these odds, New Komei Party managed to stay as the third largest political party in the Diet due to its traditional solid support base. The party gained 8.05 million votes (11.4%) for proportional representation blocs this time.
I think that we should seriously consider which system is more favorable for the sake of democracy. I would say that the current system inevitably leaves many voices of people unheard; these would not be reflected in debates at the National Diet either.
For this reason, Japan needs a party that has the ability to take up and reflect voices and the will of the people – something that neither of the two major parties (LDP and DPJ) is in a position to do. The New Komei Party can do that and is therefore indispensable for the Japanese political scene now and in the future.
We have as of October this year 3066 policy makers at national (21 at Upper House, 21 lower House), prefectural, city and town assemblies' level nationwide. As the party for ordinary people, policy makers at all levels work together closely to take up voices of ordinary people to have them reflected in policy making processes at all levels.
The largest target for us is to win the upcoming upper house election in summer next year. Our victory in that election will reflect the success of our efforts for reconstruction of the party. In order to attain this goal, we are analyzing the last election campaign as well as our ten-year experience of New Komei-LDP coalition government
RESUSCITATING NEW KOMEI PARTY
Q: How do you plan to reconstruct your party?
NY: In my first speech as party chief representative, I spoke of three assets which are unique to our New Komei Party and urged colleagues to reaffirm these key assets as the starting point for our new start. The first asset is our unshakable founding motto of advancing with ordinary people. The second asset is the fact that we are a network party where over 3000 policy makers go hand in hand based upon unrivalled sense of solidarity. I trust that as long as we maintain founding motto, a path for reconstructing the party will surely open before us.
All the our party's policy makers at all levels walk around fields, engage in dialogues with voters, grasp their true needs and reflect those needs in our policy making. I trust that this process will lead to more support for our party and thus result in our victory in the upper house election.
In order to maximize this trait of our party, the roles of party members and supporters as sensors to detect voters' needs will be critical. Thus it is policy makers' duty to actively communicate with party members on a daily basis. I myself will take a lead to visit fields and actively engage in dialogues with voters.
The third asset of our party is that we have distinctive policy qualities in fields such as social welfare, peace, education, environment, human rights, and small and medium sized enterprises. In those areas, our party has produced many results in the first full-scale coalition government in Japanese history.
When I reaffirm these three assets inherent to our party, I cannot help being convinced that out party has the potential of fully demonstrating our ability both in opposition and in government. With Japanese politics facing a turning point, we will focus on the politically marginalized, weaker sections of our society and work for international peace. (IDN-InDepthNews/15.10.09)
Copyright © 2009 IDN-InDepthNews Service
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Related IDN article:
DISARMAMENT: Egypt Rejects U.S. Nuclear Umbrella
http://www.indepthnews.net/news/news.php?key1=2009-08-18%2019:58:27&key2=1
External links:
http://www.komei.or.jp/en/index.html
http://www.mofa.go.jp/region/middle_e/afghanistan/research0311.html
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